A star is
born. Yesterday today's number one on the charts was still a
Nobody, now his face and music appear
everywhere: on the radio, on
MTV, in the shops, clubs, cars, from every stereo. The musician did not
have to do much; everything was well-planned by specialist. This
traditional approach of
artist-discovery is definitely industry
centred. It seems as if the musician as well as the consumer can only
adopt a passive role. As
Adorno
stated, the music industry becomes
“the villain in this story […] depend[ing] for
their success on a passive audience and create a

passive attitude among
their customers” (Adorno in Dolfsma, 1999, p. 11). The
decisions are made by those in charge, knowing the business. They are
the Artist & Repertoire (
A&R)
and marketing people in
the record companies, always having the right idea of what is the new
trend and what the consumer wants (Negus, 1991).
The
filter
flow model
invented by Paul Hirsch in 1970 is such a classic
theory of how artists are discovered. In the different stages of the
filter flow model
the media and industry gatekeepers “rank,
order and filter” (Negus, 1991, p. 25) a musical product
until it reaches the public. It used to be the common understanding of
the music industry that those gatekeepers have the absolute power about
what is filtered through. However, the model has been criticized not to
take all factors that influence the success of music into account - it
is too linear. An extension of the filter flow is the so-called
Production
of Culture
by Richard Peterson (1976). His model is a
decision chain in which different specialists work at their respective
levels. A new level can be added if the process of production requires
it. Throughout all levels there is a certain consensus and hence the
musical product is a “joint venture” of all those
specialists. However, it is – as the filter flow - too
pragmatic, strategic and difficult to apply in practice, since not
everyone involved will have the same ideas. A consensus can hardly be
reached. Moreover, both models do not take the artist and consumer and
their influence into account. They are
simply too passive.
Antoine Hennion (1984) has attempted to
integrate the
audience’s 'pulse' into his theory on
artist discovery. For him the production of music as a good is rather
collective and democratic. However, this happens only within the
structures of the music industry. According to Hennion, the members of
the industry “do not manipulate the public as much as they
feel its pulse” (in Negus, 1991, p. 27).
Keith
Negus in
contrast, feels that this is an argumentation often used by record
company staff, but which does not tell the complete truth. He rather
thinks that people working in the music industry are "
cultural
intermediaries” (Negus, 1991, p. 25), who
mediate between the production and the consumption side. For Negus,
A&R and marketing are the two departments that know about the
selling point of the artist (what is so special about him and why the
audience will buy his records). Their role lies mainly in the
development of an artist. However, what the audience should like and
what the artist should look and sound like is often in the heads of the
A&R and marketing specialist.
As I already mentioned in my article
Musical Freebies Online
needs and
demands are often imposed onto the consumers by those
‘specialists’. They claim that they seriously know
best about those needs, but at the same time this could also be
understood as
a form of
cultural dictatorship. The idea that musicians
should not only sound nice, but should at the same time have the
potential to stardom is prevalent in their opinion. The media that are
worked with in the industry are sound
and vision. The
musicians who
cannot provide both and hence do not fit into this scheme does not get
a chance. Once again the industry considers the
artist only as product,
and
the fan as a consumer.
According to the abovementioned theories
both do not have much influence on where they get and what they get,
respectively. Both have taken up a passive role in the production and
marketing of music. The views described before are part of a
deterministic view of the
production of pop music. They describe the
recording industry as a “closed bureaucratic machine
filtering products to the public according to the commercial logic of
capitalism” (Negus, 1991, p. 24).

But there seems to be light at the end of the tunnel of passiveness.
Recent studies (Dhar & Chang, 2007; Chang, 2007; Grace et al.,
2007) have established that the
Web 2.0
– the apparent second
generation of the Internet - and its user-generated content in weblogs
and social networks can be seen as
a
means to break with the tradition.
The Web 2.0 is supposed to be a platform for the consumers’
real needs expressed through newly created forms of media and cultural
artefacts. Thus, it is supposed to be a means to create a more
individual and diverse music culture. Naturally the Web 2.0 is assumed
to
bring advantages for the music industry, but it is even more important
to artists and consumers in terms of providing them with the
opportunity for
self-determination and participation. This role of the
Web 2.0 in making the music business more participatory fits into the
romantic view on music production (Negus, 1991) opposed to the
deterministic view explained above. This approach depicts the music
industry as “medium which somehow manages to provide products
expressing the creativity of artists, the social ideas of the time or
the needs and desires of consumers” (Negus, 1991, p. 24).
In the following
two
sub-articles I will look at the opportunities the
Web 2.0 and its user-generated content give to artists and consumers. I
will examine it from the perspectives of the artist and the consumer,
respectively, showing how it gives room for a
‘Do-it-yourself’ approach for the former and a
participatory approach for the latter. Furthermore, I will investigate
how the Web 2.0 allows both to actively influence the music culture and
which possibilities it provides to the music industry.